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Zuma’s Foreign Policy: “There will be no surprises”

Written by Botswana Gazette online

Wednesday, 20 May 2009 09:51

This article seeks to prognosticate South Africa’s foreign policy under Jacob Zuma. The history of South Africa’s foreign policy is important to understanding its future. During the institutionalized racism of apartheid, South Africa’s foreign policy was anchored on safeguarding the morally repugnant and indefensible racist system. Between 1948 (when the National Party took over and introduced apartheid) and 1990s (when the system ended), various forms of coercion ranging from partial economic, diplomatic and sporting boycotts to full scale expulsion from international organizations, have been the standard response of the majority of states in the international community. The United Nations in Particular played a prominent role in the general outlawry of apartheid South Africa. South Africa’s foreign relations with most African countries were acerbic particularly with countries which harboured and assisted the liberation struggle movements in their quest for freedom. The international denunciation abated when F.W. De Klerk unbanned the liberation movements, released Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, reformed petty apartheid laws and showed willingness to enter into negotiations concerning social, political and economic character of the post-apartheid state. It is against this backdrop that Nelson Mandela’ priority, as the first democratically elected president of South Africa, was reintegration of South Africa into the regional and global community of states. South Africa’s foreign policy under Mandela was founded on human rights, democracy, peace and security, justice and international law. Mandela succeeded in establishing full diplomatic relations with many countries, establishing resident missions abroad and having many countries with representation in South Africa. I want to argue that Mandela’s foreign policy was that of idealism in that it stressed the importance of moral values, legal norms, internationalism, multilateralism and harmony of states interests. This is not to suggest that there was no pursuit of national interests, power and independence as well as survival. Mandela also reformed key instruments of South Africa’s foreign policy. Mbeki’s was an era of realpolitik, that is shrewd attention to details and inclination to moderation and willingness to use force if necessary as well as adoption of policies of objectives which had reasonable chances of success. But it was also to a lesser extent an era of power politics. Mbeki’s foreign policy was that of consolidation and he brought experience and innovation. As a neoliberal, Mbeki was concerned with promotion of international and regional security and South Africa’s economic interests particularly wealth creation through international trade, finance and foreign direct investment in a globalizing world. Mbeki cogently articulated and showed commitment to African Renaissance, which is about political, economic and social revival and renewal of the African continent. Mbeki promoted the New Partnership for Africa’s Development and the African Peer Review Mechanism, inter alia. Like a legendary knight, he championed the course for developing countries, particularly Africa, in their quest for fairness and equity at United Nations, International Financial Institutions, World Trade Organizations and other international fora. South Africa’s standing in the global scene under Mbeki was stupendous. Some argue that Mbeki’s local standing, just like that of Jan Smuts during apartheid, was dented while he was pursuing all the aforesaid ambitious foreign policy goals. Zuma is likely to continue where his predecessors left. He has said that “there will be no surprises” on South Africa’s foreign policy. He is likely to pursue continuity with incremental changes. Pursuant to the ANC Polokwane conference resolutions, he changed the foreign ministry’s name to international relations and cooperation. He will maintain the focus on the SADC region and African agenda but maybe less robustly, in contrast with Mbeki.  He has committed himself to multilateralism-to continue with the ambitious struggle of democratization and or reform of the United Nations, WTO, and International Financial Institutions. Zuma’s administration is likely to endeavour to rectify some of Mbeki’s foreign policy blunders. Mbeki’s foreign policy to Zimbabwe is likely to be altered. The tripartite alliance partners were the leading critics of silent diplomacy, which they perceived as a recipe for disaster. A tougher stance may be seen if Mugabe continues to exude undemocratic tendencies and abuse human rights. South Africa is important to resolving crisis in Zimbabwe because of its proximity, struggle credentials and history of the regimes in power and the regional economic hegemony of the former as well as economic links between the two countries. Alliance partners may lobby Zuma to put pressure on the Swazi absolute monarch to reform and usher in democracy. Recently the country has rescinded the decision of the previous administration to bar the Tibet spiritual leader, The Dalai Lama, to visit the country. The Zuma government has affirmed its warm welcome of The Dalai Lama, a gesticulation that shows morality, respect for human rights and democracy in international relations. Mbeki’s foreign policy was presided over by the presidency and Zuma is likely to leave much work to be done by the minister responsible.BY DITHAPELO KEORAPETSE < Prev   Next >

Last Updated on Wednesday, 20 May 2009 10:17